Contrary to the findings of the majority of Trial Chamber II, Judge Hans-Peter Kaul has delivered dissenting opinions and consistently held that cases against Kenyan suspects do not fall within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. So say defence lawyers in an appeal filed on 14 February 2012 in one of the court’s two Kenyan cases.
By Josephine Uwineza, The Hague
The joint notice of appeal was filed by lawyers for Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and Francis Kirimi Muthaura against a 23 January 2012 decision to confirm charges against their clients, which include murder, deportation and rape in the violent aftermath of Kenya’s 2007 disputed presidential elections.
Steven Kay and Gillian Higgins, who represent presidential candidate Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, and Karim A. Khan, representing Francis Kirimi Muthaura, argued that the majority erred in law by dismissing their jurisdictional challenge and by adopting an incorrect interpretation of the notion of ‘organization.’ They also say the majority erred in fact by finding that the Mungiki gang alone represented the ‘organization.’
In confirming the charges against Kenyatta and Muthaura, the majority said it is “satisfied that there is sufficient evidence to establish substantial grounds to believe that Mr. Muthaura and Mr. Kenyatta provided essential contributions to the implementation of the common plan to commit the crimes in Nakuru and Naivasha.”
But in their appeal, defence lawyers argue that “the Majority not only failed to assess the Prosecution evidence as a whole on matters relevant to the criteria set out by the Majority Decision, but also improperly dismissed relevant Defence evidence without according it any or any proper consideration.”
Dissenting Judge
“I continue to believe that the ICC lacks jurisdiction in the situation of Kenya,” wrote Judge Hans-Peter Kaul in his dissenting opinion in January. “The charges concerning Mr. Ruto and Mr. Sang fall within the competence of the Kenyan criminal justice authorities.”
The case brought by ICC chief prosecutor Luis Morreno Ocampo states that a “network” planned and executed a policy to commit crimes against humanity. This network, says Moreno Ocampo, consists of five elements: political, media, financial, tribal and military.
According to the Rome Statute that governs the court, for a case to meet the ICC “jurisdiction test,” it must meet four requirements: the crimes must have been committed on the territory of a member state; they must have been committed by or against nationals of a member state; they must have been committed after 2002, which is when the court was established; and the contextual element of a crime must meet the seriousness and gravity needed for the ICC to intervene. In the present case, the first three elements are satisfied. It’s the fourth requirement—the case’s subject matter—that is in contention: “crimes against humanity” must have been committed by a state or a state-like organisation.
Loose alliance or state-like group?
While the prosecutor maintains that the “Network” is a state-like organisation, Judge Kaul finds the “network” to be “essentially an amorphous alliance,” or “coordinating” members of a tribe predisposed towards violence and with a fluctuating membership that “existed temporarily for a specific purpose.”
He contends that in order for members of a tribe to form a state-like organisation, they must meet additional prerequisites. He also says that those members of a tribe who instigated violence cannot alone constitute an organisation. Finally, Judge Kaul ruled that the planning and coordination of violence in a series of meetings that took place during the period relevant to this case “do not transform an ethnically-based gathering of perpetrators into a State-like organisation.”
The Kenyan situation is the first before the ICC initiated by the prosecutor. It’s also the first in The Hague-based court where jurisdiction over the context of the crimes is being contested. Legal experts say the appeals chamber’s eventual ruling on what constitutes a state or state-like organization could have huge implications for future cases.






















Quite a number of Kenyans are very skeptical of the ICC process because what the judges observed when they confirmed the trials is quite different from what really happened on the ground.
Indeed Ocampo did not conduct any investigations at all and I wonder how the judges could have acted on Ocampo's submissions at all.
I still remember the questions Ocampo asked that reflected deep ignorance of Kenya and its systems.
For example when he asked UK (paraphrased), 'You were a minister for Local Government before the national accord. How many police officers were working under you?' Any Kenyan will tell you that the question alone would have exposed Ocampo.
He also asked Muthaura (paraphrased), 'As the secretary to the cabinet, you agree that all ministers report to you and you direct them.'
Kenya and Africa may be watching this case closely indeed.
One of my friends attended the Kibaki Tena Youth meeting at state house Nairobi alleged by Ocampo to have been a meeting between the president and the mungiki. She is even a born again christian and dislikes mungiki with a passion. It is a very ironical twist of events that she should now be branded mungiki, and for the judges to indeed confirm that she is a member of mungiki.
' I have left it to God', she said the other day. 'God is not manipulated like a man or a court conducted by men. He will one day avenge my being branded together with people opposed to what I cherish most - my faith in Christ as the son of God.
We still hope though the courts will rise above western nations and powers pressure in this matter. I heard that the UK gave some funds to the ICC specifically for the Kenyan cases.
Juge Hanse rulling seems disinformed, may its because he never had to deal with mungiki. Munguki is an arm of kikuyu goverment headed and aided by prominent politicians.
Do you have evidence on what you are saying? Please, we need the evidence to axe..........
Does that make Muginki a State-like organisation? Do you think qualifying these crimes as 'human rights violations' is to misunderstand what happened? After all, whether these crimes are 'crimes against humanity' or 'human rights violations' Kenya still has the obligation to prosecute and punish those responsible for post-election violence.
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