"Italy is the country I love". (Silvio Berlusconi). But wait: Which one? The "Emperor" made his fortune within these august shores and should be thankful of the Country's tolerance pardoning his dalliances for such a long time. Now no more. Which one? The one alive and kicking in his plans only? The one Gelli has been having in mind more than thirty years ago when he put in action the super-secret so called "plan R", infiltrating his masonic lodge people in the media, trade unions, magistracy? Certainly not the one of even more numerous families that struggle every day to make ends meet, the ones that find themselves sacked from a long-time job and now redundancy fund recipients because the plant has outsourced thanks to the market that "will take care of itself" to use a coinage now much fashionista in Tremonti's environments? Certainly not the one that the "Emperor" is yet again trying to axe in two ever-fighting camps, much detrimental to the current economic situation not in its best nick. He'd better resign.

ARE WE LIVING IN A FAIRY TALE? Are the Italians many Pinocchios? Berlusconi’s communication techniques format include the fairy-tail as a means to communicate pedagogical messages to the electorate, awakening the child within it through a paternalistic attitude. As in fairy-tails, Berlusconi draws a distinction between the good and the bad: on the one hand the good, on the other hand the bad. The moral structure of Fairy-tails not only simplify politics, but also makes it pleasantly interesting. The fairy-tail happily ever after is Berlusconi’s own life, during which he has realised the Italian miracle. In 2001, Berlusconi, the living myth, promised the dream of the transformation of Italy during the five years of his government. Through his seductive electoral and commercial propaganda the successful entrepreneur and great superhero created a semiotic revolution. The fairy-tale style employed by Berlusconi was highlighted in an exemplary way in a documentary titled Quando c’era Silvio, storia del periodo Berlusconiano, by Cremagnani, Deaglio (2005), which begins in the same way as the chapter thirty-one of Le avventure di Pinocchio: "At last the coach arrived […] And the coachman?... Picture yourself a little man broader than he was long, flabby and greasy like a lump of butter, with a small round face like an orange, a little mouth that was always laughing, and a soft caressing voice like a cat when she is trying to insinuate herself into the good graces of the mistress of the house. All the boys as soon as they saw him fell in love with him, and vied with each other in taking places in his coach to be conducted to the true land of the Cocagne, known on the geographical map by the seducing name of the ‘Land of the Boobies’." The documentary ends with a quotation from the thirty-third chapter of ‘Pinocchio’, recited by actress Lella Costa, as at the beginning: "And now, my little readers, you will have understood the fine trade that little man pursued. The wicked little monster, who had a face all milk and honey, made frequent journeys round the world with his coach. As he went along he collected, with promises and flattery, all the idle boys who had taken an aversion to books and school. As soon as his coach was full conducted them to the ‘Land of Boobies’, that they might pass their time in games, in uproar, and in amusement. When these poor deluded boys, from continual play and no study, had become so many little donkeys, he took possession of them with great delight and satisfaction, and carried them off to the fairs and markets to be sold. And in this way he had in a few years made heaps of money and had become a millionaire." Here, one the most famous literary work produced in post-Unification Italy (1880), which represents a parable of the state where the puppet gradually becomes a citizen through acquiring a 'moral conscience' turns out to represent the Mangiafuoco-Berlusconi who embodies an obstacle to Pinocchio’s urge for freedom.

The real problem in Italy is only in part related to Berlusconi. The main culprit, I would argue, is the acquiescence of the Left. The centre-left coalition during its years in government from 1996 to 2001, and the much shorter Prodi government later, demonstrated hesitation and acquiescence towards the corrosive danger for the Italian democracy represented by Berlusconi. It might be very likely that that the centre-left coalition made a political mistake. The Italian Left undervalued Berlusconi in the first place, perhaps supposing that Berlusconi would have been replaced as the leader of the centre-right coalition after the years in opposition. A substitute: perhaps by Gianfranco Fini, leader of AN, a professional politician highly regarded by the politicians of the centre-left for his coldness and political ability. When the centre-left government took power for a substantial period of time - in a favourable period in which the pendulum of European politics was swinging from the conservative side to the progressive side - the "Italian" version of the progressive politics proved to be insufficient, unable to carry out adequate reforms capable of solving the problem of Berlusconi’s conflict of interest. The centre-left always responds with a delayed reaction to the victory of the centre-right coalition led by Silvio. Only after months, the centre-left comes out of a lamentable state of inaction. Another limitation of the centre-left coalition, now PD, is that it seems to understand far from immediately the dialectic - the register and tone - of the electoral campaigns and strategies deployed by Berlusconi. Italian centre-left politicians are generally less telegenic and lively than Berlusconi. They appear to be both morally supponent and distant from the people. In other words, the Left looks disagreeable. Politically correctness, elitist attitude, moral supposed superiority and the use of a jargon code which needs a little hermeneutical effort to be deciphered are key reasons to understand why the centre-left coalition is not as pleasant to the public as Silvio Berlusconi. Moreover, NOTHING, absolutely NOTHING was done when it was possibile, in order to prevent the distorting union of personal interests, political interests and public interests of the Cavaliere. As a matter of fact, Berlusconi in the years 1996-2001 improved his personal condition. He improved the difficult situation which led him to ‘entering the field’ of politics. We should not forget that, before his inception in the political arena, Berlusconi was on the verge of losing his monopolistic control over commercial television market in Italy because of Fininvest debts and the loss of political support after the 1992-93 scandals. The Left, so to speak, helped berlusconi to get rid of his indebted Supermarkets.The centre-left coalition, therefore, underestimated Berlusconi’s hidden resources and energies ready to explode when necessary. During the years in opposition government Berlusconi strengthens his patrimony, a "Forbes" patrimony, renews his political relations with his allies in order to avoid the tragic consequences of instability. He mediate between Umberto Bossi (LN) and Gianfranco Fini (AN). Politically, Forza Italia (FI) approved a new statute in 1997 (when he was in opposition) and increased the number of its registered members. From then on, the initially fragile roots of the party deeply grew within the national territory. Finally, in 1999 Forza Italia entered in the European’s People Party, the largest European-level party of Europe. I think that we are seriously mislead in our understanding of the 'Mediterranean', 'Italian' exceptionalism of Berlusconi. BERLUSCONI - dear RNW - IS A EUROPEAN REALITY.